Did Iqbal offer funeral prayers for the killer of someone who wrote a blasphemous book?

Did Iqbal offer funeral prayers for the killer of someone who wrote a blasphemous book?


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In 1929, Ilmuddin killed a man called Rajpal for writing a blasphemous book against Muhammad. He was later hanged by the British government.

According to several sources (like here), the national poet of Pakistan, Iqbal, himself placed Ilmuddin's body in the grave and gave a short eulogy.

I cannot find any reliable source to authenticate this claim. What was the eulogy, and did Jinnah also attend the funeral?

Edit: I'm looking for sources written by academics and professional historians. Even popular columns written by historians would do


“Blasphemy has no place in a liberal and tolerant society offering equal opportunities and liberties to each citizen. Blasphemy breeds polarization, hence destabilises the society through mistrust, and hatred. Blasphemy needs to be curbed through harshest capital punishment while ensuring essential safeguards against miscarriage of justice.”

With thanks to Air Cdre Khalid Iqbal (R) (Ex- PAF assistant Chief of Air Staff)

a) Ghazi Illam ud Din Shaheed (Who layed his life for Prophet PBUH and forced British tyranny to change the laws of Blasphemy) and Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (A story of every muslim for everyone to understand)

b) A lost case, an upheld cause!

Quaid and the Ghazi:

Quaid-i-Azam lost only one case during his entire practising tenure, that too by choice.He chose to defend a “murderer” who had been convicted by the trial court, where he had opted for guilty plea and was not interested to defend his act. Quaid-i-Azam urged the accused to enter a plea of not guilty and to say that he had acted due to extreme provocation. The fact that accused was only 19 years old would have also worked in his favour. However, the accused refused to offer such a plea and insisted that he was proud of his actions. This case, cited as Ilam Din vs. Emperor AIR 1930 Lahore 157, was the only one suit that the Quaid ever lost. Given the stance by the accused, technically it was a lost case, yet the Quaid chose to contest it to uphold a cause. It was the case of Ghazi Ilam Din Shaheed.

One Prashaad Prataab had authored a blasphemous book. Rajpal a Hindu book publisher from Lahore took the responsibility of publishing the book in 1923 and pledged not to disclose the author’s real name. Pressure from the Muslim community resulted in the matter being taken to Session court Lahore, which found RajPal guilty and sentenced him. Subsequently Rajpal appealed against the decision of Session Court in the Lahore High court. The appeal was heard by Judge Daleep Singh who acquitted Rajpal on the grounds that criticism against the religious leaders, no matter how immoral, was not covered by S.153 of the Indian Penal Code.

Thus Rajpal could not be sentenced as law did not cover blasphemous criticism against religion.

High Court decision was widely criticised and protests were made against it by Muslims of India. Little did anyone expect that one young man’s course of action would bring about a significant change in the law, ensuring that Islam would be covered by blasphemy laws.Creation of Pakistan was still a distant dream in the hearts of the Indian Muslims.

This event was one of the contributory causes that culminated in Allama Iqbal’s proposal for a separate Muslim state in 1930, which resulted in the creation of Pakistan in 1947.

Gave my life to defend the honour of our Last Prophet Muhammad S.A.W.W:

As the noose was put around the neck of Ilam Din, he repeated before the huge crowd: “O people! Bear witness that I killed Rajpal to defend our last Prophet Muhammad S.A.W, and today they are going to hang me. I am sacrificing my life whilst reciting the kalimah shahadah (testimony of faith).” The young man was buried without any funeral. Mass demonstrations broke out. The inhabitants of Lahore wanted Ilam Din’s body returned in order to give him an Islamic funeral. Allama Iqbal and Mian Abdul Aziz campaigned to have the body of Ilam Din returned to Lahore for the funeral prayer. The British were worried that this would incite unrest. Only after Allama Iqbal gave his assurance to the British that no riots would erupt, permission was given.

  • Around 200,000 Muslims attended the funeral prayer.
  • Maulana Zafar Ali Khan said ahead of the burial: “Alas! If only if I had managed to attain such a blessed status!” Allama Iqbal carried the funeral bier along its final journey.
  • As Iqbal placed the body of Ilam Din into the grave, he tearfully declared: “This uneducated young man has surpassed us, the educated ones.”

Repercussions of the sacrifice:

  • The martyrdom of Ilam Din on 31st October 1929 had far-reaching repercussions.
  • A provision Section 295A was added to the Indian Penal Code, making insult to the religious beliefs of any class an offence.
  • The Pakistan Penal Code makes it a crime for anyone who “by words or visible representation or by an imputation or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiled the name of the Muhammad”. In 1982, Section 295B was added to the Pakistan Penal Code punishing “defiling the Holy Quran” with life imprisonment.
  • In 1986, Section 295C was introduced, mandating the death penalty for “use of derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet” in keeping with Ilam Din’s legacy.

Quaid e Azam and Allama Iqbal’s perspectives:

Since Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah defended Ilam Din in his murder trial at appellate level, it can be inferred that he favoured the ‘death sentence for blasphemy’. Same was endorsed by Allama Iqbal.

On his vision of Pakistan, the Quaid had said: ‘The tolerance and good will Emperor Akbar showed to all the non-Muslims is not of recent origin. It dates back to thirteen centuries ago when our Prophet not only by words but by deeds treated the Jews and Christians after he had conquered them with the utmost tolerance and regard and respect for their faith and beliefs’.

Quaid was an inexorable defender of civil liberties. He stood for Bhagat Singh’s freedom and condemned the British government in the harshest language when no one else dared.

His landmark speech before the Constituent assembly of Pakistan on 11 August, 1947 envisaged equality for all Pakistanis, irrespective of religion, cast and creed: ‘…Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous, we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges, and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make…We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community… will vanish….You are free you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the State….We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State…Now I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State’.

Truth is that which even the adversaries accept – L K Advani from assasination to acknowledgement:

L K Advani, the extremist right-wing Hindutva torch bearer and 1992 Anti-Babri Masjid “yatra” fame Indian politician, who was once named in a police report for an alleged assassination attempt on Jinnah’s life, while visiting Pakistan, stoked off a huge scandal in India, when he referred to Jinnah as a great leader.

At Quaid’s Mausoleum, he wrote:

‘There are many people who leave an irreversible stamp on history. But there are few who actually create history. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was one such rare individual. His address to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on August 11, 1947 is really a classic and a forceful espousal of a secular state in which every citizen would be free to follow his own religion. The State shall make no distinction between the citizens on the grounds of faith. My respectful homage to this great man’.

Only that he is unaware as to what he referred to as a secular trait is infact the very essence of Islam.

Issue of blasphemy law has to be seen in the spirit espoused by the great Quaid. Blasphemy has no place in a liberal and tolerant society offering equal opportunities and liberties to each citizen. Blasphemy breeds polarization, hence destabilises the society through mistrust, and hatred. Blasphemy needs to be curbed through harshest capital punishment while ensuring essential safeguards against miscarriage of justice.


Did Iqbal offer funeral prayers for the killer of someone who wrote a blasphemous book? - History


The 1920’s in India witnessed the publishing of an inflammatory book vilifying Prophet Muhammad (SAW) thereby adding fuel to the existing Muslim/Hindu tensions. The British Raj ruled India and the creation of Pakistan was still a distant dream in the hearts of the Indian Muslims. The Muslim population was understandably incensed and mass protests were held. Prashaad Prataab had authored Rangeela Rasool (The Colourful Prophet), under the pen name of Pandit Chamupati Lal. The word rangeela means ‘colourful’ but can be understood in this context to mean ‘playboy’.

Rajpal was a Hindu book publisher from Lahore. He took the responsibility of publishing the book in 1923 and pledged not to disclose the author’s real name. Pressure from the Muslim community resulted in the matter being taken to Session court Lahore which found Raj Pal guilty and sentenced him. Subsequently Rajpal appealed against the decision of Session Court in the Lahore High court. The appeal was heard by Judge Daleep Singh who gave leave to appeal on the grounds that on the basis of criticism against the religious leaders, no matter how immoral it is, is not covered by S.153 of the Indian Penal Code. Thus Rajpal could not be sentenced as law did not cover blasphemous criticism against religion. The High Court decision was widely criticised and protests were made against it by Muslims of India. Little did anyone suspect that one young man’s course of action would bring about a significant change in the Law, ensuring that Islam would be covered by blasphemy laws.

Ilm Din was an illiterate teenager from Lahore. His father was a carpenter. One day he was passing near Masjid (mosque) Wazir Khan. There was a huge crowd shouting slogans against Rajpal. The speaker thundered: "Oh Muslims! The devil Rajpal has sought to dishonour our beloved Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W) by his filthy book!”

Ilm Din was deeply affected by this passionate speech and vowed to take action. On 6th September 1929 Ilm Deen set out for the bazaar and purchased a dagger for one rupee. He hid the dagger in his pants and waited opposite Rajpal’s Shop. Rajpal had not arrived yet. His flight had arrived at Lahore airport and he proceeded to phone the police in order to request them to provide him security. Ilm Deen did not know what the publisher looked like. He asked a few passer-by’s as to Rajpal’s whereabouts and said that he needed to discuss something with him. Rajpal entered the shop without detection but soon after a man alerted Ilm Din that Rajpal was inside. The young man entered the shop, lunged forward and attacked him. He stabbed his dagger into the chest of Rajpal with such force that his heart was ripped from his body. Rajpal fell dead on the ground. Ilm Deen made no attempt to escape. Rajpal’s employees grabbed him and shouted for help.

The police arrived at the scene and arrested Ilm Deen. He was kept in Mianwali jail. The case went to court and Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was his defence lawyer. Jinnah urged Ilm Din to enter a plea of not guilty plea and to say that he had acted due to extreme provocation. The fact that Ilm Din was only 19 years old would have also worked in his favour. Ilm Din refused to offer such a plea and insisted that he was proud of his actions. This case was the only one that Jinnah ever lost. The Session Court awarded Ilm Din the death penalty. Against his wishes, the Muslims lodged an appeal, but it was rejected.

Ilm Din's execution occurred on 31st October 1929. When asked if he had any last requests, he simply requested that he be allowed to pray two rak’at (units) nafl (voluntary) prayer, thus following the example of Khubaib (RA) who also prayed 2 rak’ats nafl before the pagan Quraish executed him.

As the noose was put around the neck of Ilm Din, he repeated before the huge crowd:
"O people! Bear witness that I killed Rajpal to defend our last Prophet Muhammed S.A.W, and today they are going to hang me. I am sacrificing my life whilst reciting the kalimah (shahadah - testimony of faith)."

The young man was killed and the authorities buried him without any Janazah (funeral) prayer being offered for him. Mass demonstrations broke out and there the tension between the Hindu and Muslim communities was palpable. The inhabitants of Lahore wanted Ilm Din’s body returned in order to give him an Islamic janaza (funeral). Two celebrated activists — the poet Dr. Muhammed Allama Iqbal and Mian Abdul Aziz — campaigned to have the body of Ilm Din returned to Lahore for the Janaza prayer. The British were worried that this would incite unrest. Only after Allama Iqbal gave his assurance to the British that no riots would erupt, was permission given.

When the body of Ilm Din was exhumed from its grave, it was found to be the intact without any change whatsoever. The kaffan (shroud) had not changed its colour. This occurred on 14th November 1929 — a full 15 days after the hanging. After a two-day journey, the body arrived in Lahore. 200,000 Muslims attended the funeral prayer which led by the Imam of masjid Wazeer Khan, Imam Muhammed Shamsuddeen. Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan said ahead of the burial: "Alas! If only if I had managed to attain such a blessed status!" Allama Iqbal carried the funeral bier along its final journey. As Iqbal placed the body of Ilm Din into the grave, he tearfully declared: "This uneducated young man has surpassed us, the educated ones."

The killing of Ilm Din had far-reaching repercussions. A provision was added to the Penal Code, making insult to the religious beliefs of any class an offense. Allama Iqbal’s proposal of a separate Muslim state in 1930 resulted in the creation of Pakistan in 1947. The Pakistan Penal Code makes it a crime for anyone who "by words or visible representation or by an imputation or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiled the name of the Muhammad". In 1982, President Zia ul-Haq introduced Section 295B to the Pakistan Penal Code punishing "defiling the Holy Qur'an" with life imprisonment. In 1986, Section 295C was introduced, mandating the death penalty for "use of derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet" in keeping Islam’s hudood (prescribed punishments). Ilm Din’s legacy is still visible across Pakistan, where parks, hospitals and roads carry his name.

Today if someone wants to enlight the Love for Prophet, Peace be upon Him, in himself, should visit the blessed mazar of Ghazi Ilm Deen, Rehmatullah, and drink the water which is situated near the feet of Qaber Shareef, and then recite Darood-e-Taj as many times as possible.


The selfie-brigade were out in full force — at the Lahore International Airport, the&hellip

By Ali Arqam | Newsbeat National | Published 4 years ago

Policemen stand guard outside the hostel at Abdul Wali Khan university

It took the residents of Zaida village in district Swabi, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, three days to come out of their homes and march through the narrow pathways of the village, to protest the heinous murder of Mashal Khan, a journalism student at Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, on April 13. Mashal’s father, Muhammad Iqbal Shayer, who is known for his Pashto poetry, owns a small business in Zaida. The villagers chanted slogans in Pashto, proclaiming that Mashal was an innocent martyr. They demanded justice for Mashal, and exemplary punishment for the plotters and perpetrators of the crime — those who shot him, and those who were part of the mob that lynched him.

Mashal Khan was brutally killed by a mob comprising fellow students and employees of the University, after being charged with blasphemy, along with two of his friends. On the day of his murder, when his badly bruised body was brought to the village, just a few among the villagers dared to stand with the bereaved family. It took them a whole week to render an apology to the family for not sharing their grief the very first day, and for abstaining from taking part in Mashal’s last rites.

The news of Mashal Khan’s lynching broke through social media, with details of the murder coming out echoes of blasphemy accusations could be heard. Graphic videos of the mob comprising university students and employees of the university, kicking and hitting Mashal, who was lying on the floor, with wooden pallets and stones and chanting religious slogans were disseminated through the internet. The jubilant lot who had, according to their own claims, rid the campus of a blasphemer, had no evidence to support their charges. Realising this, hours after Mashal’s murder, they started posting objectionable stuff on Facebook accounts with Mashal’s name and photos on display, took screenshots of it, and spread it around to convince others. But the ruse failed, due to the time mark on the Facebook posts, which made it obvious that the fabricated material was posted hours after his death. In the next move, old comments and posts from his original account were reproduced with twists and turns, and this activity continues.

The mob that killed Mashal had also tried to kill his friend Abdullah. Once the disturbance began, Mashal’s hostel room was locked from the outside by his friends to shield him, while he made a phone call to one of his teachers to say he had already left the campus. But some students found out that he was still there, broke the door of his room and barged in.They dragged him out, shot him, and left him upstairs to die of the bullet wounds. His friends and some university administration tried to take Mashal to the hospital, but the killers were back, this time, officials with a mob of hundreds of students. The main door of the hostel was locked as a last resort, but the mob broke down the door, took hold of the injured Mashal, who was pleading that he hadn’t committed blasphemy. He was reciting the kalima, and asking for water, but his entreaties went unheard, and the mob started kicking and hitting him with stones, and whatever else they could find. Even his body was not spared by the mob that continued to desecrate it. Another innocent man had fallen victim to the narrative that justifies cruel and brutal violence.

News of the terrible event poured out on the internet, but mainstream TV channels chose to give scant coverage to it in their headlines. A late night talk show on Dawn News, ‘Zara Hut Kay,’ hosted by Mubashir Zaidi, Wusatullah Khan and Zarrar Khuhro, did highlight the issue, but most other channels either repeated the false charges, or treated it as just another violent incident on campus.

The political parties abstained from issuing any statement, and even the secular Awami National Party (ANP) district level leadership asked its members to lie low till the dust settled.

Fazal Ameen, a local cleric and prayer leader in the mosque adjacent to Mashal’s residence, announced that since Mashal was killed for committing blasphemy, no cleric would offer his funeral prayers, and he could not be buried in the village cemetery. The family was asked to dump Mashal’s body in a ditch flowing through the village. The cleric vowed that any attempt to offer funeral prayers for Mashal would be resisted and also declared that people who did participate in the last rites would have their nikahs dissolved.

In the climate of fear that had been created, the local leadership of political parties abstained from visiting the family. Even villagers and neighbours were reluctant to participate in the burial, as they apprehended resistance from the followers of the cleric. The family decided to bury him in a corner of the agricultural land owned by them. A handful of valiant people among Mashal’s relatives and a few political workers, some old guards of the ANP and activists from the local chapter of National Youth Organisation (NYO) — a subsidiary of the ANP — came forward to stand with the family. Some of them guarded Mashal’s home all night to avoid any untoward incident others arrived from adjacent villages in the morning to participate in Mashal’s funeral.

Among them was a highly regarded Pashto poet, author of many books and information secretary ANP, Tehsil Topi, Shereenyar Yousafzai, who, on hearing about the incident, rushed to the funeral from his village Zarobi, 19 kilometers from Zaida. Shireenyar had a gun slung across his shoulder, and proclaimed that if no one came forth to lead the funeral prayers, he would do so in the face of any opposition. Shah Wali, aka Amir, a maternal relative of Mashal Khan and a member of the Tableeghi Jamaat, then led the funeral prayers.

Jibran Nasir at Mashal’s home.

Pictures of Mashal’s funeral prayers, and burial emerged on social networking sites, in which only a handful of people could be seen taking the coffin to his grave. In this depressing scenario, video clips of Mashal Khan’s father, Muhammad Iqbal Shayer surfaced. Iqbal sounded like a very clear-headed and compassionate person in his conversations with Zalan Yousufzai, the local correspondent of Mashal Radio (Pashto broadcast of the Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty) and Riaz Hussain of Deewa Radio, the Pashto broadcast of Voice of America (VOA). The interviews were streamed on their websites and the video went viral over the internet. It was the composure of Mashal Khan’s father, his replies to questions about his son, the hardships his family faced in getting their children educated, his hatred for war and the miseries it brought upon the people, his yearning for love and peace in the region, frequent references to Pashto and Urdu poetry, and his firm conviction that rays of light could not be blocked by the forces of darkness, that challenged the whole narrative of fear.

The video was watched and shared several hundred thousand times in a couple of hours. It was then that the mainstream news channels woke up from their torpor, and rushed to Mashal’s residence for coverage.

Muhammad Jibran Nasir, a lawyer and human rights worker from Karachi, who visited Mashal’s village and met his family recalls the video, and wrote on his official Facebook page, “I communicated to Iqbal sahib that his grace and resilience in the face of such a tragic loss and tyranny has inspired hundreds of thousands of us to not lose hope and show courage even in the most difficult times. For him to talk about saving the future of our youth, the millions of Mashals in our homes, and not to talk about justice for his son alone, showed us the level of compassion we are capable of as humans.”

The role played by the social media as a credible alternative to the mainstream media was indeed remarkable on many fronts. Social networking sites have been the subject of intense debate ever since the forced disappearances of social media activists, false charges of blasphemy against them, and the closure of a few pages. In response to an advertisement by the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) which asked people to report blasphemous content, some arrests were made over blasphemy charges and the interior minister threatened to shut down Facebook in Pakistan. It was thought that anyone could be held under these charges, as social media content is subject to manipulation, as had happened in the case of the missing bloggers. Recently, an academic from Karachi University was arrested when he tried to hold a press conference to demand the release of former professor of Philosophy, Dr Hasan Zafar Arif, who was arrested for his association with the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) London. Dr Riaz Ahmed was accused of possessing illegal weapons, and in the First Information Report (FIR), law enforcement officials also noted that he was actively supporting the bloggers accused of blasphemy.

The debate kindled by the death of Mashal has revived hope that the reprehensible exercise of using blasphemy allegations to silence critics and dissenters would be curtailed. The response to this savagery from across the country, the Pakistani diaspora around the globe, and activists from other countries, is heartening. Many people offered financial help and have reached out to the bereaved family.

Once Mashal was buried, many feared that the story would follow a familiar path. The initial shock and outrage would soon die down and the tragic incident would be shelved by the media as they moved on to other events. But in the case of Mashal, despite the brouhaha over the Panama verdict, attention remains focused on this event, while political and social activists are determined to bring the case to its logical end.

With the emergence of videos of the lynching, identification of the people involved in perpetrating the crime, inciting the mob and committing torture has become possible. The details of the actual motives behind the incident have also started emerging. A video of Mashal Khan’s interview to the Pashto news channel Khyber News was reposted, in which he had criticised the university administration for mismanagement, increase in tuition fees, and embezzlement of funds in the name of different events.

In another video, Arif Khan, a tehsil councillor elected on the PTI ticket, asked the mob not to name the man who fired the bullets that killed Mashal. To show his solidarity with the killers, he volunteered to have his own name put on the First Information Report (FIR). In another video, Malang Jan, an ANP worker could be seen thumping his chest and vowing to kill Mashal even if he hid in a mosque. In the video, Malang Jan is clearly inciting the crowds and states that if someone asks you about the murder, give my name, say that I killed him.

The whole episode also highlighted the fact that secular political forces do not exert much influence over the views of their young cadres, whose response to matters related to the discourse around religious notions is no different from that of the religio-political parties. This was evident in a recent gathering of the religio-political parties, which included Ayaz Safi of the PTI, Ikramullah of the PPP, and Abbas Sani of the ANP, among dozens of religious clerics. All of them have come together in a desperate bid to save those arrested by the police for their involvement in Mashal’s murder, and have constituted a committee to investigate the charges of blasphemy against Mashal.

The ANP leadership has issued a show-cause notice to their elected district Nazim, Himayatullah Mayar, for going against the party policy in the post-Mashal murder scenario. Mayar’s cousin, Ajmal Mayar, is among the accused, and he had staged a protest demanding his release. We have yet to see if they could set a precedent by taking action against their elected representative, or whether the notice is just a ploy to silence dissent within party ranks.

Abdur Rehman Khan, a former president of the Pashtun Students Federation (PkSF) Sindh, who lost his legs in an assassination attempt, lives in Mashal’s village, and was among the few who stood with the family from the very first day. In a television interview,with Mujahid Barelvi he said, “I was depressed by the way people initially reacted to the incident, the way my fellow villagers didn’t come to support the family, one of their own. Zaida, my village, was once a centre of political activity, and many great political personalities including Mahatma Gandhi, Bacha Khan, Ghous Baksh Bizenjo and Attaullah Mengal, have visited and stayed here. When I returned from the burial of Mashal, I thought our politics, our traditions, everything was buried with that boy of my village. But the way people across Pakistan have reacted to the brutality, the way the media has highlighted it, it rekindles hope.”


Contents

Kasab was born in Faridkot village in the Okara District of Punjab, Pakistan, to Amir Shahban Kasab and Noor Illahi. [18] His father ran a snack cart [19] [20] while his elder brother, Afzal, worked as a labourer in Lahore. [20] His elder sister, Rukaiyya Husain, was married and lived in the village. [20] A younger sister, Suraiyya, and brother, Munir, lived in Faridkot with their parents. [20] [21] The family belongs to the Qassab community. [18]

Kasab briefly joined his brother in Lahore and then returned to Faridkot. [22] [23] He left home after a fight with his father in 2005. [20] He had asked for new clothes on Eid al-Fitr, but his father could not provide them, which made him angry. [24] He engaged in petty crime with his friend Muzaffar Lal Khan, eventually moving on to armed robbery. [22] On 21 December 2007, Eid al-Adha, they were in Rawalpindi trying to buy weapons when they encountered members of Jama'at-ud-Da'wah, the political wing of Lashkar-e-Taiba, distributing pamphlets. They decided to sign up for training with the group, ending up at their base camp, Markaz Taiba.

An interrogator and deputy commissioner of the Mumbai Police stated that Kasab spoke rough Hindi and almost no English. [25] [26] He said his father in effect sold him to Lashkar-e-Taiba so that he could use the money they gave him to support the family. [27] [28] [29] His father denied it. [30] Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, a senior commander of Lashkar-e-Taiba, reportedly offered to pay his family ₨150,000 for his participation in the attacks. [31] Another report said the 23-year-old was recruited from his home, in part, based on a pledge by recruiters to pay ₨100,000 to his family if he became a martyr. [32] Other sources put the reward at US$4,000. [19]

Villagers in Okara claimed on camera that he was at their village six months before the attacks in Mumbai. They said that he asked his mother to bless him as he was going for jihad, and claimed that he demonstrated his wrestling skills to a few village boys that day. [33]

Ajmal Kasab was among a group of 24 men [34] who received training in marine warfare at a remote camp in the mountainous areas of Muzaffarabad, Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan. Part of the training was reported to have taken place on the Mangla Dam reservoir. [35]

Kasab was seen on CCTV during his attacks at Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus along with another recruit, Ismail Khan. Kasab reportedly told the police that they wanted to replicate the Islamabad Marriott hotel attack, and reduce the Taj Hotel to rubble, replicating the 9/11 attacks in India. [7]

Kasab and his accomplice Khan, then aged 25, attacked the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (formerly Victoria Terminus) railway station. They then moved on to attack a police vehicle (a white Toyota Qualis) at Cama Hospital, in which senior Mumbai police officers (Maharashtra ATS Chief Hemant Karkare, encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar and Additional Commissioner of Mumbai Police Ashok Kamte) were travelling. After killing them in a gun battle and taking two constables hostage [ citation needed ] in the Qualis, Kasab and Khan drove towards the Metro cinema. Kasab joked about the bulletproof vests worn by the police and killed one constable when his mobile phone rang. The two fired some shots into a crowd gathered at the Metro Cinema. They then drove to Vidhan Bhavan where they fired more shots. Their vehicle had a tire puncture, so they stole a silver Škoda Laura and drove towards Girgaum Chowpatty beach. [ citation needed ]

The D B Marg [ clarification needed ] police had received a message from police control at about 10 pm , that two heavily armed men had gunned down commuters at CST. 15 policemen from D B Marg were sent to Chowpatty to set up a double barricade on Marine Drive. [36] The Škoda reached Chowpatty and halted 40 to 50 feet from the barricade. It reversed and attempted a U-turn. A shootout ensued and Khan was killed. Kasab lay motionless playing dead. Assistant sub-inspector Tukaram Omble, armed only with a lathi, charged the vehicle, being shot five times. Omble held onto Kasab's weapon, enabling Omble's colleagues to capture Kasab alive. [37] [38] Omble died from the bullet wounds. [36] A mob gathered and attacked the two terrorists, which was captured on video. [39]

Initially, Kasab pretended to be dead, and was being transported to the Nair Hospital when a police officer discovered Kasab was breathing. Seeing the mutilated body of another slain terrorist, Kasab begged doctors to put him on saline, saying "I do not want to die". [8] [40] The doctors who treated Kasab said he had no bullet wounds. [41]

Kasab told police he was trained to "kill to the last breath". [42] Later, after interrogation in the hospital by the police, he said: "Now, I do not want to live", requesting the interrogators kill him for the safety of his family in Pakistan, who could be killed or tortured for his surrender to Indian police. (Fidayeen suicide squad terrorists were instructed not to be captured and interrogated, use aliases instead of their real names, and hide their nationality.) [43] He is also quoted as saying "I have done right, I have no regrets". [42] Reports also surfaced that the group planned to escape safely after the attack. [21]

Kasab told interrogators that all through the operation, the Lashkar headquarters from Karachi, Pakistan, remained in touch with the group, calling their phones through a voice-over-Internet service. Investigators succeeded in reconstructing the group's journey through the Garmin GPS that was found on Kasab. An email sent from a group calling itself the Deccan Mujahideen claiming responsibility was traced to a Russian proxy, which was then traced back to Lahore with the help of the FBI. [44] [45]

Nationality

Police announced Kasab was a Pakistani national based on his confession and other evidence. [46] Several reporters visited Kasab's village and verified the facts provided by him. [47] [48] [49] Former Pakistan Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif confirmed that Kasab was from Faridkot village in Pakistan, and criticised President Zardari for cordoning off the village and not allowing his parents to meet anyone. [50]

Journalist Saeed Shah travelled to Kasab's village and produced national identity card numbers of his parents. His parents left town on the night of 3 December 2008. [51] Mumbai Joint Police Commissioner of Crime Rakesh Maria said Kasab was from the Faridkot village in the Okara district of Pakistan's Punjab province, and was the son of Mohammed Amir Kasab. [52]

The Mumbai Police said much of the information that Kasab provided proved to be accurate. He disclosed the location of a fishing trawler, MV Kuber, that the terrorists used to enter Mumbai's coastal waters. He told investigators where his team put the ship captain's body, a satellite phone and a global-positioning device, which the police found. [53]

Pakistani officials, including President Asif Ali Zardari, initially denied Ajmal Kasab was Pakistani. [54] [55] Pakistani government officials attempted to erase evidence that there was a Lashkar-e-Taiba office in Deepalpur. The office was hurriedly closed in the week of 7 December. On the night of 3 December 2008, the parents were whisked away by a bearded Mullah, and since then, there was evidence of a cover-up by plainclothes police. Villagers changed their stories, and reporters who visit there were intimidated. [56] [57] In early December, Kasab's father admitted in an interview that Kasab was his son. [30]

In January 2009, Pakistan's National Security Advisor Mahmud Ali Durrani admitted to Kasab being a Pakistani citizen while speaking to the CNN-IBN news channel. The Pakistan Government then acknowledged that Ajmal Kasab was a Pakistani, but also announced that Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani had fired Durrani for "failing to take Gilani and other stakeholders into confidence" before making this information public, and for "a lack of coordination on matters of national security." [58]

Naming confusion

On 6 December 2008, The Hindu reported that the police officers who interrogated him did not speak his language, Urdu, and misinterpreted his caste origin "kasai", meaning butcher, to be a surname, writing it as "Kasav". [59]

The Times of India reported a different version of the error. The paper stated that the police officers correctly understood that Ajmal Kasab does not have a surname. To satisfy an administrative requirement that people have surnames, the officers asked Kasab for his father's profession, and decided to use "butcher", or "Kasab" in Urdu, as his surname. [60] [61]

The Hindu referred to him as either "Mohammad Ajmal Amir, son of Mohammad Amir Iman" or "Mohammad Ajmal Amir 'Kasab'". [59]

List of various names used to refer to Kasab:

  • Ajmal Kasab[62]
  • Azam Amir Kasav[63]
  • Ajmal Qasab[64]
  • Ajmal Amir Kamal[65]
  • Ajmal Amir Kasab[66]
  • Azam Ameer Qasab[67]
  • Mohammad Ajmal Qasam[68]
  • Ajmal Mohammed Amir Kasab[69]
  • Mohammad Ajmal Amir Kasar[70]
  • Amjad Amir Kamaal[71]
  • Mohammed Ajmal Amir Qasab[72][73]

Confessions

Ammunition, a satellite phone and a layout plan of Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus was recovered from Kasab. He described how his team arrived at Mumbai from Karachi via Porbandar. He said that they had received revolvers, AK-47s, ammunition and dried fruit from their coordinator. [74] Kasab told the police that they wanted to replicate the Marriott hotel attack in Islamabad, and reduce the Taj Hotel to rubble, replicating the 11 September attacks in US. [74] Kasab told police that his team targeted Nariman House, where the Chabad centre was located, because it was frequented by Israelis, who were targeted to "avenge atrocities on Palestinians." [75] [76] [77]

Kasab told the police that he and his associate, Ismail Khan, were the ones who shot Anti-Terror Squad chief Hemant Karkare, encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar and Additional Commissioner Ashok Kamte. Kasab entered the Taj posing as a student from Mauritius and stored explosives in one of the hotel's rooms. [78] In December 2009, Kasab retracted his confession in court, claiming he had come to Mumbai to act in Bollywood films and was arrested by the Mumbai police three days before the attacks. [79]

Confessions on video

Kasab repeatedly asked the interrogators to turn the camera off and warned them he would not speak otherwise. Nonetheless the following confessions were recorded on video: [80]

When police asked Kasab what he understood about jihad, Kasab told the interrogators "it is about killing and getting killed and becoming famous." "Come, kill and die after a killing spree. By this one will become famous and will also make God proud." [81]


"We were told that our big brother India is so rich and we are dying of poverty and hunger. My father sells dahi wada in a stall in Lahore and we did not even get enough food to eat from his earnings. I was promised that once they knew that I was successful in my operation, they would give 150,000 rupees (around US$3,352), to my family," said Kasab. [81]

Police said they were shocked by his readiness to switch loyalties after he was apprehended. [81] "If you give me regular meals and money I will do the same for you that I did for them," he said. [81]

"When we asked whether he knew any verses from the Quran that described jihad, Kasab said he did not," police said. "In fact he did not know much about Islam or its tenets," according to a police source. [81]

Face to face with Abu Jundal

On 9 August 2012, Kasab was brought face-to-face with Abu Jundal, the handler of Mumbai attacks, at the Arthur Road jail where they identified each other. Kasab also admitted that Jundal had taught him Hindi. [82]

Other reports

In a press conference, the Mumbai city police commissioner said "The person we have caught alive is certainly a Pakistani. They were all trained by ex-army officers, some for a year, some for more than a year". [83] On 23 November 2008, they set sail from Karachi unarmed to be picked up by a larger vessel. They hijacked the Indian fishing trawler Kuber and set sail for Mumbai. [42]

The Times reported on 3 December 2008 that Indian police were going to submit Kasab to a narco analysis test to definitively determine his nationality. [25]

According to DNA India, Kasab began reading the autobiography of India's non-violent leader Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in early March 2009, in response to coaxing by prison guards. [84]

Several Indian lawyers refused to represent Kasab citing ethical concerns. A resolution was passed unanimously by the Bombay Metropolitan Magistrate Court's Bar Association, which has more than 1,000 members, saying that none of its members would defend any of the accused of the terror attacks. [85] Other bar associations passed similar resolutions. The Hindu nationalist group Shiv Sena threatened lawyers against representing him. When one attorney, Ashok Sarogi, hinted that he would be willing to represent Kasab, Shiv Shena members protested outside his home and pelted it with stones, forcing him to retract. [86] [87] In December 2008, the Indian Chief Justice K. G. Balakrishnan said that for a fair trial, Kasab needed a lawyer. [88]

An eight-member commission from Pakistan, comprising defence lawyers, prosecutors and a court official was allowed to travel to India on 15 March to gather evidences for the prosecution of seven suspects linked to the 2008 Mumbai attacks. However, the defence lawyers were barred from cross-examining the four prosecution witnesses in the case including Ajmal Kasab. [89] [90]

Kasab wrote to the Pakistani High Commission in India requesting help and legal aid. In the letter, he confirmed he and the nine slain terrorists were Pakistani. [91] He asked the Pakistani High Commission to take custody of the body of fellow terrorist Ismail Khan. [92] Pakistani officials confirmed the receipt of the letter and were reported to be studying it. No further updates were given.

On 1 April 2009, Senior Advocate Anjali Waghmare agreed to represent Kasab, despite Shiv Sena activists having protested and stoned her home. [93]

His conviction was based on CCTV footage showing him striding across the Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus with an AK-47 and a backpack. Towards the end of December 2008, Ujjwal Nikam was appointed as Public Prosecutor for trying Kasab and in January 2009 M.L. Tahaliyani was appointed the judge for the case. [94] Indian investigators filed an 11,000-page Chargesheet against Kasab on 25 February 2009. [95] Due to the fact that the chargesheet was written in Marathi and English, Kasab requested an Urdu translation of the charge sheet. [96] He was charged with murder, conspiracy and waging war against India along with other crimes. His trial was originally scheduled to start on 15 April 2009 but was postponed as his lawyer, Anjali Waghmare was dismissed for a conflict of interest. [97] It resumed on 17 April 2009 after Abbas Kazmi was assigned as his new defence counsel. [98] On 20 April 2009, the prosecution submitted a list of charges against him, including the murder of 166 people. [94] On 6 May 2009, Kasab pleaded not guilty to 86 charges. [99] The same month he was identified by eyewitnesses who testified witnessing his actual arrival and him firing at the victims. Later the doctors who treated him also identified him. On 2 June 2009, Kasab told the judge he also understood the Marathi language. [94]

In June 2009, the special court issued non-bailable warrants against 22 absconding accused including Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) chief Hafeez Saeed and chief of operations of Lashkar-e-Taiba, Zaki-ur-Rehman Laqvi. [94] On 20 July 2009, Kasab retracted his non-guilty plea and pleaded guilty to all charges. [100] On 18 December 2009, he retracted his guilty plea and claimed that he was framed and his confession was obtained by torture. Instead he claimed to have come to Mumbai 20 days before the attacks and was simply strolling at Juhu beach when police arrested him. [101] The trial concluded on 31 March 2010 and on 3 May the verdict was pronounced – Kasab was found guilty of murder, conspiracy, and of waging war against India (which also carried the death penalty). [102] On 6 May 2010, he was sentenced to death. [103]

A Bombay High Court bench, composed of Justice Ranjanaa Desai and Justice Ranjit More, heard Kasab's appeal against the death penalty and upheld the sentence given by the trial court in their verdict on 21 February 2011. [104] On 30 July 2011, Kasab moved to Supreme Court of India, challenging his conviction and sentence in the case. [105] Thus, a bench composed of Justice Aftab Alam and Justice Chandramouli Kr. Prasad stayed the orders of the Bombay High Court so as to follow the due process of law, and started hearing the case.

On 29 August 2012, Kasab was again found guilty of waging war and was sentenced to death by the Supreme Court of India. [6] [106]

Kasab's plea for clemency was rejected by President Pranab Mukherjee on 5 November 2012. [107] On 7 November, Minister of Home Affairs Sushilkumar Shinde confirmed the President's rejection of the petition. The following day, the Maharashtra state government was formally notified and requested to take action. The date of 21 November was then fixed for the execution, and the Indian government faxed their decision to the Pakistani Foreign Office. [108]

Everything so far on secret basis, Kasab was formally informed of his execution on 12 November, after which he requested government officials to inform his mother. On the night of 18–19 November, a senior prison official at Arthur Road Jail in Mumbai read Kasab's death warrant to him, informing him at the same time that his petition for clemency had been rejected. Kasab was then asked to sign his death warrant, which he did. He was secretly transferred under heavy guard to Yerwada Jail in Pune, arriving in the early morning of 19 November. The death and funeral of nationalist politician Bal Thackeray also aided in diverting attention from Kasab. [108] An officer at Arthur Road Jail stated anonymously: "Throughout the journey from Mumbai to Pune, he did not cause any trouble. Kasab's attitude was of resignation when he came to know that his mercy petition was rejected by the president. Kasab did not shed a single tear during the last few days." [108]

Only the jail superintendent at Yerwada was made aware of Kasab's identity. Kasab was placed in a special cell when he was at Yerwada and no other inmates were informed of his presence. It was only a few minutes before Kasab's execution that the executioner was informed whom he would be hanging. [109]

—Maharashtra Home Minister R. R. Patil

Though reportedly nervous in the final minutes before his execution, Kasab remained quiet and offered prayers. He was hanged on 21 November 2012 at 7:30, according to an announcement by Home Minister Shinde. [110] [111] Kasab's execution by the Maharashtra government happened barely two weeks after President Pranab Mukherjee rejected his mercy petition on 5 November. [110] [112]

After the government contemplated burial at sea, the decision was finally made to bury Kasab at Yerwada Jail. [15] Following his execution, Kasab's body was given to a maulvi for burial in accordance with Islamic rites. [113] Ansar Burney, a human rights activist in Pakistan, later offered to help repatriate Kasab's body to Pakistan citing humanitarian reasons. [114] [115] The Indian government stated it would consider a formal application if offered. [116] Shinde later stated that Kasab's body was buried in India because Pakistan had refused to claim it. [117]

Reaction

Authorities in Uttar Pradesh banned all celebrations and public gatherings and placed the state on high alert in response. [118] Similarly, the Coimbatore City Police took a group of people in Coimbatore into preventive custody for celebrating Kasab's execution. [119] K. Unnikrishnan, father of Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan, said though the execution was necessary, it was not something to "rejoice over" and that the ensuing celebrations were "foolishness." [120]

In Pakistan, the general and official government response was muted, with the media treating the execution as another news item, according to The Hindu. [121] Though some journalists attempted to elicit statements from villagers in Kasab's village of Faridkot, they met with a hostile response. A senior LeT commander issued an anonymous statement, saying Kasab was a hero who would "inspire more fighters to follow his path." [121] The Pakistani Taliban's spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan issued a statement threatening Indians with retaliation and declaring Kasab would be avenged. Ehsan also made demands for Kasab's body to be returned to his family. "If they don't return his body to us or his family we will capture Indians and will not return their bodies." [122]

While commending on the well appreciated role of two women officers in the smooth handling of the execution, Patil later responded to threats to avenge Kasab's death by stating that anybody daring to attack the soil of Maharashtra would meet the same fate. [123]

Hafiz Saeed and thousands of others offered ghayabana namaz-e-janaza (funeral prayers in absentia) for Kasab at a Jamaat-ud-Dawah session in Muridke. [124] Hundreds of others in Srinagar also offered similar prayers at the appeal of Syed Ali Geelani. [125]

Pakistan Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC) Proceedings

Mudassir Lakhvi, headmaster of the Government Elementary School in Faridkot village, Okara, appeared before the Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC) on 9 May 2014, during the trial of seven suspects, (Zakiur Rehman Lakhvi, Abdul Wajid, Mazhar Iqbal, Hammad Amin Sadiq, Shahid Jameel Riaz, Jamil Ahmed and Younus Anjum), accused of involvement in the attacks on 26 November 2008. [126] He claimed that he knew that Ajmal Kasab was alive, and he had met Ajmal only a few days ago. He repeated the claim in 2015. [127]


The Story of Ghazi Ilm Din Shaheed

The 1920s in India witnessed the publishing of an inflammatory book vilifying Prophet Muhammad (SAW) thereby adding fuel to the existing Muslim/Hindu tensions. The British Raj ruled India and the creation of Pakistan was still a distant dream in the hearts of the Indian Muslims. The Muslim population was understandably incensed and mass protests were held. Prashaad Prataab had authored Rangeela Rasool (The Colourful Prophet), under the pen name of Pandit Chamupati Lal. The word rangeela means colourful but can be understood in this context to mean playboy. [Nauzbillah]

Rajpal was a Hindu book publisher from Lahore. He took the responsibility of publishing the book in 1923 and pledged not to disclose the authors real name. Pressure from the Muslim community resulted in the matter being taken to Session court Lahore which found Raj Pal guilty and sentenced him. Subsequently Rajpal appealed against the decision of Session Court in the Lahore High court. The appeal was heard by Judge Daleep Singh who gave leave to appeal on the grounds that on the basis of criticism against the religious leaders, no matter how immoral it is, is not covered by S.153 of the Indian Penal Code. Thus Rajpal could not be sentenced as law did not cover blasphemous criticism against religion. The High Court decision was widely criticised and protests were made against it by Muslims of India. Little did anyone suspect that one young mans course of action would bring about a significant change in the Law, ensuring that Islam would be covered by blasphemy laws.

Ilm Din was an illiterate teenager from Lahore. His father was a carpenter. One day he was passing near Masjid (mosque) Wazir Khan. There was a huge crowd shouting slogans against Rajpal. The speaker thundered: "Oh Muslims! The devil Rajpal has sought to dishonour our beloved Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W) by his filthy book!

Ilm Din was deeply affected by this passionate speech and vowed to take action. On 6th September 1929 Ilm Deen set out for the bazaar and purchased a dagger for one rupee. He hid the dagger in his pants and waited opposite Rajpals Shop. Rajpal had not arrived yet. His flight had arrived at Lahore airport and he proceeded to phone the police in order to request them to provide him security. Ilm Deen did not know what the publisher looked like. He asked a few passer-bys as to Rajpals whereabouts and said that he needed to discuss something with him. Rajpal entered the shop without detection but soon after a man alerted Ilm Din that Rajpal was inside. The young man entered the shop, lunged forward and attacked him. He stabbed his dagger into the chest of Rajpal with such force that his heart was ripped from his body. Rajpal fell dead on the ground. Ilm Deen made no attempt to escape. Rajpals employees grabbed him and shouted for help.

The police arrived at the scene and arrested Ilm Deen. He was kept in Mianwali jail. The case went to court and Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was his defence lawyer. Jinnah fought Ghazi Ilm Deen's case on a special request from Allama Iqbal. Jinnah urged Ilm Din to enter a plea of not guilty plea and to say that he had acted due to extreme provocation. The fact that Ilm Din was only 19 years old would have also worked in his favour. Ilm Din refused to offer such a plea and insisted that he was proud of his actions. This case was the only one that Jinnah ever lost. The Session Court awarded Ilm Din the death penalty. Against his wishes, the Muslims lodged an appeal, but it was rejected.

Ilm Din's execution occurred on 31st October 1929. When asked if he had any last requests, he simply requested that he be allowed to pray two rakat (units) nafl (voluntary) prayer, thus following the example of Khubaib (RA) who also prayed 2 rakats nafl before the pagan Quraish executed him.

As the noose was put around the neck of Ilm Din, he repeated before the huge crowd:
"O people! Bear witness that I killed Rajpal to defend our last Prophet Muhammed S.A.W, and today they are going to hang me. I am sacrificing my life whilst reciting the kalimah (shahadah - testimony of faith)."

The young man was killed and the authorities buried him without any Janazah (funeral) prayer being offered for him. Mass demonstrations broke out and there the tension between the Hindu and Muslim communities was palpable. The inhabitants of Lahore wanted Ilm Dins body returned in order to give him an Islamic janaza (funeral). Two celebrated activists Dr. Muhammed Allama Iqbal and Mian Abdul Aziz campaigned to have the body of Ilm Din returned to Lahore for the Janaza prayer. The British were worried that this would incite unrest. Only after Allama Iqbal gave his assurance to the British that no riots would erupt, was permission given.


When the body of Ilm Din was exhumed from its grave, it was found to be the intact without any change whatsoever. The kaffan (shroud) had not changed its colour. This occurred on 14th November 1929 a full 15 days after the hanging. After a two-day journey, the body arrived in Lahore. Muslims from the whole city and millions from adjoining areas attended his funeral. Ilmuddin's father requested Allama Muhammad Iqbal to lead the funeral prayer and this shivered Dr. Allama Iqbal who replied that I am a sinful person not competent to do this job to lead the funeral of such a matchless warrior. 200,000 Muslims attended the funeral prayer which led by the Imam of masjid Wazeer Khan, Imam Muhammed Shamsuddeen. Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan said ahead of the burial: "Alas! If only if I had managed to attain such a blessed status!"

Allama Iqbal carried the funeral bier along its final journey. As Iqbal placed the body of Ilm Din into the grave, he tearfully declared: "This uneducated young man has surpassed us, the educated ones."

The killing of Ilm Din had far-reaching repercussions. A provision was added to the Penal Code, making insult to the religious beliefs of any class an offense. Allama Iqbals proposal of a separate Muslim state in 1930 resulted in the creation of Pakistan in 1947. The Pakistan Penal Code makes it a crime for anyone who "by words or visible representation or by an imputation or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiled the name of the Prophet Muhammad pbuh". In 1982, President Zia ul-Haq introduced Section 295B to the Pakistan Penal Code punishing "defiling the Holy Qur'an" with life imprisonment. In 1986, Section 295C was introduced, mandating the death penalty for "use of derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet" in keeping Islams hudood (prescribed punishments). Ilm Dins legacy is still visible across Pakistan, where parks, hospitals and roads carry his name.

Shabanhariuk

Voter (50+ posts)

Siddique

MPA (400+ posts)

"As Iqbal placed the body of Ilm Din into the grave, he tearfully declared: "This uneducated young man has surpassed us, the educated ones."

The 1920’s in India witnessed the publishing of an inflammatory book vilifying Prophet Muhammad (SAW) thereby adding fuel to the existing Muslim/Hindu tensions. The British Raj ruled India and the creation of Pakistan was still a distant dream in the hearts of the Indian Muslims. The Muslim population was understandably incensed and mass protests were held. Prashaad Prataab had authored Rangeela Rasool (The Colourful Prophet), under the pen name of Pandit Chamupati Lal. The word rangeela means ‘colourful’ but can be understood in this context to mean ‘playboy’. [Nauzbillah]

Rajpal was a Hindu book publisher from Lahore. He took the responsibility of publishing the book in 1923 and pledged not to disclose the author’s real name. Pressure from the Muslim community resulted in the matter being taken to Session court Lahore which found Raj Pal guilty and sentenced him. Subsequently Rajpal appealed against the decision of Session Court in the Lahore High court. The appeal was heard by Judge Daleep Singh who gave leave to appeal on the grounds that on the basis of criticism against the religious leaders, no matter how immoral it is, is not covered by S.153 of the Indian Penal Code. Thus Rajpal could not be sentenced as law did not cover blasphemous criticism against religion. The High Court decision was widely criticised and protests were made against it by Muslims of India. Little did anyone suspect that one young man’s course of action would bring about a significant change in the Law, ensuring that Islam would be covered by blasphemy laws.

Ilm Din was an illiterate teenager from Lahore. His father was a carpenter. One day he was passing near Masjid (mosque) Wazir Khan. There was a huge crowd shouting slogans against Rajpal. The speaker thundered: "Oh Muslims! The devil Rajpal has sought to dishonour our beloved Prophet Muhammed (S.A.W) by his filthy book!”

Ilm Din was deeply affected by this passionate speech and vowed to take action. On 6th September 1929 Ilm Deen set out for the bazaar and purchased a dagger for one rupee. He hid the dagger in his pants and waited opposite Rajpal’s Shop. Rajpal had not arrived yet. His flight had arrived at Lahore airport and he proceeded to phone the police in order to request them to provide him security. Ilm Deen did not know what the publisher looked like. He asked a few passer-by’s as to Rajpal’s whereabouts and said that he needed to discuss something with him. Rajpal entered the shop without detection but soon after a man alerted Ilm Din that Rajpal was inside. The young man entered the shop, lunged forward and attacked him. He stabbed his dagger into the chest of Rajpal with such force that his heart was ripped from his body. Rajpal fell dead on the ground. Ilm Deen made no attempt to escape. Rajpal’s employees grabbed him and shouted for help.

The police arrived at the scene and arrested Ilm Deen. He was kept in Mianwali jail. The case went to court and Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was his defence lawyer. Jinnah fought Ghazi Ilm Deen's case on a special request from Allama Iqbal. Jinnah urged Ilm Din to enter a plea of not guilty plea and to say that he had acted due to extreme provocation. The fact that Ilm Din was only 19 years old would have also worked in his favour. Ilm Din refused to offer such a plea and insisted that he was proud of his actions. This case was the only one that Jinnah ever lost. The Session Court awarded Ilm Din the death penalty. Against his wishes, the Muslims lodged an appeal, but it was rejected.

Ilm Din's execution occurred on 31st October 1929. When asked if he had any last requests, he simply requested that he be allowed to pray two rak’at (units) nafl (voluntary) prayer, thus following the example of Khubaib (RA) who also prayed 2 rak’ats nafl before the pagan Quraish executed him.

As the noose was put around the neck of Ilm Din, he repeated before the huge crowd:
"O people! Bear witness that I killed Rajpal to defend our last Prophet Muhammed S.A.W, and today they are going to hang me. I am sacrificing my life whilst reciting the kalimah (shahadah - testimony of faith)."

The young man was killed and the authorities buried him without any Janazah (funeral) prayer being offered for him. Mass demonstrations broke out and there the tension between the Hindu and Muslim communities was palpable. The inhabitants of Lahore wanted Ilm Din’s body returned in order to give him an Islamic janaza (funeral). Two celebrated activists — Dr. Muhammed Allama Iqbal and Mian Abdul Aziz — campaigned to have the body of Ilm Din returned to Lahore for the Janaza prayer. The British were worried that this would incite unrest. Only after Allama Iqbal gave his assurance to the British that no riots would erupt, was permission given.


When the body of Ilm Din was exhumed from its grave, it was found to be the intact without any change whatsoever. The kaffan (shroud) had not changed its colour. This occurred on 14th November 1929 — a full 15 days after the hanging. After a two-day journey, the body arrived in Lahore. Muslims from the whole city and millions from adjoining areas attended his funeral. Ilmuddin's father requested Allama Muhammad Iqbal to lead the funeral prayer and this shivered Dr. Allama Iqbal who replied that I am a sinful person not competent to do this job to lead the funeral of such a matchless warrior. 200,000 Muslims attended the funeral prayer which led by the Imam of masjid Wazeer Khan, Imam Muhammed Shamsuddeen. Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan said ahead of the burial: "Alas! If only if I had managed to attain such a blessed status!"

Allama Iqbal carried the funeral bier along its final journey. As Iqbal placed the body of Ilm Din into the grave, he tearfully declared: "This uneducated young man has surpassed us, the educated ones."

The killing of Ilm Din had far-reaching repercussions. A provision was added to the Penal Code, making insult to the religious beliefs of any class an offense. Allama Iqbal’s proposal of a separate Muslim state in 1930 resulted in the creation of Pakistan in 1947. The Pakistan Penal Code makes it a crime for anyone who "by words or visible representation or by an imputation or insinuation, directly or indirectly, defiled the name of the Prophet Muhammad pbuh". In 1982, President Zia ul-Haq introduced Section 295B to the Pakistan Penal Code punishing "defiling the Holy Qur'an" with life imprisonment. In 1986, Section 295C was introduced, mandating the death penalty for "use of derogatory remarks in respect of the Holy Prophet" in keeping Islam’s hudood (prescribed punishments). Ilm Din’s legacy is still visible across Pakistan, where parks, hospitals and roads carry his name.


Contents

Father Edward Flannery, in his The Anguish of the Jew: Twenty-Three Centuries of Antisemitism, traces the first clear examples of specific anti-Jewish sentiment back to Alexandria in the third century BCE. Flannery writes that it was the Jews' refusal to accept Greek religious and social standards that marked them out. Hecataetus of Abdera, a Greek historian of the early third century BCE, wrote that Moses "in remembrance of the exile of his people, instituted for them a misanthropic and inhospitable way of life." Manetho, an Egyptian historian, wrote that the Jews were expelled Egyptian lepers who had been taught by Moses "not to adore the gods". The same themes appeared in the works of Chaeremon, Lysimachus, Poseidonius, Apollonius Molon, and in Apion and Tacitus. Agatharchides of Cnidus wrote about the "ridiculous practices" of the Jews and of the "absurdity of their Law", and how Ptolemy Lagus was able to invade Jerusalem in 320 BCE because its inhabitants were observing the Sabbath. [3] David Nirenberg also charts this history in Antijudaism: The Western Tradition [4] [4]

Christian religious antisemitism is often expressed as anti-Judaism, i.e., it is argued that the antipathy is to the practices of Judaism. As such, it is argued, antisemitism would cease if Jews stopped practicing or changed their public faith, especially by conversion to Christianity, the official or right religion. However, there have been times when converts were also discriminated against, as in the case of liturgical exclusion of Jewish converts in the case of Christianized Marranos or Iberian Jews in the late 15th century and 16th century accused of secretly practising Judaism or Jewish customs. [5]

New Testament and antisemitism Edit

Frederick Schweitzer and Marvin Perry write that the authors of the gospel accounts sought to place responsibility for the Crucifixion of Jesus and his death on Jews, rather than the Roman emperor or Pontius Pilate. [6] As a result, Christians for centuries viewed Jews as "the Christ Killers". [7] The destruction of the Second Temple was seen as judgment from God to the Jews for that death, [8] and Jews were seen as "a people condemned forever to suffer exile and degradation". [7] According to historian Edward H. Flannery, the Gospel of John in particular contains many verses that refer to Jews in a pejorative manner. [9]

In 1 Thessalonians 2:14–16, Paul states that the Churches in Judea had been persecuted by the Jews who killed Jesus and that such people displease God, oppose all men, and had prevented Paul from speaking to the gentile nations concerning the New Testament message. Described by Hyam Maccoby as "the most explicit outburst against Jews in Paul's Epistles", [10] these verses have repeatedly been employed for antisemitic purposes. Maccoby views it as one of Paul's innovations responsible for creating Christian antisemitism, though he notes that some have argued these particular verses are later interpolations not written by Paul. [10] Craig Blomberg argues that viewing them as antisemitic is a mistake, but "understandable in light of [Paul's] harsh words". In his view, Paul is not condemning all Jews forever, but merely those he believed had specifically persecuted the prophets, Jesus, or the 1st-century church. Blomberg sees Paul's words here as no different in kind than the harsh words the prophets of the Old Testament have for the Jews. [11]

The Codex Sinaiticus contains two extra books in the New Testament – the Shepherd of Hermas and the Epistle of Barnabas. [12] The latter emphasizes the claim that it was the Jews, not the Romans, who killed Jesus, and is full of antisemitism. [12] The Epistle of Barnabas was not accepted as part of the canon Professor Bart Ehrman has stated "the suffering of Jews in the subsequent centuries would, if possible, have been even worse had the Epistle of Barnabas remained". [12]

Early Christianity Edit

A number of early and influential Church works — such as the dialogues of Justin Martyr, the homilies of John Chrysostom, and the testimonies of church father Cyprian — are strongly anti-Jewish.

During a discussion on the celebration of Easter during the First Council of Nicaea in 325 CE, Roman emperor Constantine said, [13]

. it appeared an unworthy thing that in the celebration of this most holy feast we should follow the practice of the Jews, who have impiously defiled their hands with enormous sin, and are, therefore, deservedly afflicted with blindness of soul. . Let us then have nothing in common with the detestable Jewish crowd for we have received from our Saviour a different way.

Prejudice against Jews in the Roman Empire was formalized in 438, when the Code of Theodosius II established Christianity as the only legal religion in the Roman Empire. The Justinian Code a century later stripped Jews of many of their rights, and Church councils throughout the 6th and 7th century, including the Council of Orleans, further enforced anti-Jewish provisions. These restrictions began as early as 305, when, in Elvira, (now Granada), a Spanish town in Andalucia, the first known laws of any church council against Jews appeared. Christian women were forbidden to marry Jews unless the Jew first converted to Catholicism. Jews were forbidden to extend hospitality to Catholics. Jews could not keep Catholic Christian concubines and were forbidden to bless the fields of Catholics. In 589, in Catholic Iberia, the Third Council of Toledo ordered that children born of marriage between Jews and Catholic be baptized by force. By the Twelfth Council of Toledo (681) a policy of forced conversion of all Jews was initiated (Liber Judicum, II.2 as given in Roth). [14] Thousands fled, and thousands of others converted to Roman Catholicism.

Accusations of deicide Edit

Although never a part of Christian dogma, many Christians, including members of the clergy, held the Jewish people under an antisemitic canard to be collectively responsible for deicide, the killing of Jesus, who they believed was the son of God. [15] According to this interpretation, the Jews present at Jesus' death as well as the Jewish people collectively and for all time had committed the sin of deicide, or God-killing. The accusation has been the most powerful warrant for antisemitism by Christians. [16]

Passion plays are dramatic stagings representing the trial and death of Jesus and they have historically been used in remembrance of Jesus' death during Lent. These plays historically blamed the Jews for the death of Jesus in a polemical fashion, depicting a crowd of Jewish people condemning Jesus to death by crucifixion and a Jewish leader assuming eternal collective guilt for the crowd for the murder of Jesus, which, The Boston Globe explains, "for centuries prompted vicious attacks — or pogroms — on Europe's Jewish communities". [17]

Blood libel Edit

Blood libels are false accusations that Jews use human blood in religious rituals. [18] Historically these are accusations that the blood of Christian children is especially coveted. In many cases, blood libels served as the basis for a blood libel cult, in which the alleged victim of human sacrifice was elevated to the status of a martyr and, in some cases, canonized.

Although the first known instance of a blood libel is found in the writings of Apion, who claimed that the Jews sacrificed Greek victims in the Temple, no further incidents are recorded until the 12th century, when blood libels began to proliferate. These libels have persisted from then through the 21st century. [19]

In the modern era, the blood libel continues to be a major aspect of antisemitism. It has extended its reach to accuse Jews of many different forms of harm that can be carried out against other people. [20]

Medieval and Renaissance Europe Edit

Antisemitism was widespread in Europe during the Middle Ages. In those times, a main cause of prejudice against Jews in Europe was the religious one. Although not part of Roman Catholic dogma, many Christians, including members of the clergy, held the Jewish people collectively responsible for the death of Jesus, a practice originated by Melito of Sardis.

Among socio-economic factors were restrictions by the authorities. Local rulers and church officials closed the doors for many professions to the Jews, pushing them into occupations considered socially inferior such as accounting, rent-collecting and moneylending, which was tolerated then as a "necessary evil". [21] During the Black Death, Jews were accused as being the cause, and were often killed. [22] There were expulsions of Jews from England, France, Germany, Portugal and Spain during the Middle Ages as a result of antisemitism. [23]

German for "Jews' sow", Judensau was the derogatory and dehumanizing imagery of Jews that appeared around the 13th century. Its popularity lasted for over 600 years and was revived by the Nazis. The Jews, typically portrayed in obscene contact with unclean animals such as pigs or owls or representing a devil, appeared on cathedral or church ceilings, pillars, utensils, etchings, etc. Often, the images combined several antisemitic motifs and included derisive prose or poetry.

"Dozens of Judensaus. intersect with the portrayal of the Jew as a Christ killer. Various illustrations of the murder of Simon of Trent blended images of Judensau, the devil, the murder of little Simon himself, and the Crucifixion. In the 17th-century engraving from Frankfurt. [24] a well-dressed, very contemporary-looking Jew has mounted the sow backward and holds her tail, while a second Jew sucks at her milk and a third eats her feces. The horned devil, himself wearing a Jewish badge, looks on and the butchered Simon, splayed as if on a cross, appears on a panel above." [25]

In Shakespeare's "Merchant of Venice", considered to be one of the greatest romantic comedies of all time, the villain Shylock was a Jewish moneylender. By the end of the play he is mocked on the streets after his daughter elopes with a Christian. Shylock, then, compulsorily converts to Christianity as a part of a deal gone wrong. This has raised profound implications regarding Shakespeare and antisemitism. [26]

During the Middle Ages, the story of Jephonias, [27] the Jew who tried to overturn Mary's funeral bier, changed from his converting to Christianity into his simply having his hands cut off by an angel. [28]

On many occasions, Jews were subjected to blood libels, false accusations of drinking the blood of Christian children in mockery of the Christian Eucharist. Jews were subject to a wide range of legal restrictions throughout the Middle Ages, some of which lasted until the end of the 19th century. Jews were excluded from many trades, the occupations varying with place and time, and determined by the influence of various non-Jewish competing interests. Often Jews were barred from all occupations but money-lending and peddling, with even these at times forbidden.

19th century Edit

Throughout the 19th century and into the 20th, the Roman Catholic Church still incorporated strong antisemitic elements, despite increasing attempts to separate anti-Judaism, the opposition to the Jewish religion on religious grounds, and racial antisemitism. Pope Pius VII (1800–1823) had the walls of the Jewish Ghetto in Rome rebuilt after the Jews were released by Napoleon, and Jews were restricted to the Ghetto through the end of the Papal States in 1870.

Additionally, official organizations such as the Jesuits banned candidates "who are descended from the Jewish race unless it is clear that their father, grandfather, and great-grandfather have belonged to the Catholic Church" until 1946. Brown University historian David Kertzer, working from the Vatican archive, has further argued in his book The Popes Against the Jews that in the 19th century and early 20th century the Church adhered to a distinction between "good antisemitism" and "bad antisemitism".

The "bad" kind promoted hatred of Jews because of their descent. This was considered un-Christian because the Christian message was intended for all of humanity regardless of ethnicity anyone could become a Christian. The "good" kind criticized alleged Jewish conspiracies to control newspapers, banks, and other institutions, to care only about accumulation of wealth, etc. Many Catholic bishops wrote articles criticizing Jews on such grounds, and, when accused of promoting hatred of Jews, would remind people that they condemned the "bad" kind of antisemitism. Kertzer's work is not, therefore, without critics scholar of Jewish-Christian relations Rabbi David G. Dalin, for example, criticized Kertzer in the Weekly Standard for using evidence selectively.

The Holocaust Edit

The Nazis used Martin Luther's book, On the Jews and Their Lies (1543), to claim a moral righteousness for their ideology. Luther even went so far as to advocate the murder of those Jews who refused to convert to Christianity, writing that "we are at fault in not slaying them" [29]

Archbishop Robert Runcie has asserted that: "Without centuries of Christian antisemitism, Hitler's passionate hatred would never have been so fervently echoed. because for centuries Christians have held Jews collectively responsible for the death of Jesus. On Good Friday Jews, have in times past, cowered behind locked doors with fear of a Christian mob seeking 'revenge' for deicide. Without the poisoning of Christian minds through the centuries, the Holocaust is unthinkable." [30] The dissident Catholic priest Hans Küng has written in his book On Being a Christian that "Nazi anti-Judaism was the work of godless, anti-Christian criminals. But it would not have been possible without the almost two thousand years' pre-history of 'Christian' anti-Judaism. " [31]

The document Dabru Emet was issued by many American Jewish scholars in 2000 as a statement about Jewish-Christian relations. This document states,

Nazism was not a Christian phenomenon. Without the long history of Christian anti-Judaism and Christian violence against Jews, Nazi ideology could not have taken hold nor could it have been carried out. Too many Christians participated in, or were sympathetic to, Nazi atrocities against Jews. Other Christians did not protest sufficiently against these atrocities. But Nazism itself was not an inevitable outcome of Christianity.

According to American historian Lucy Dawidowicz, antisemitism has a long history within Christianity. The line of "antisemitic descent" from Luther, the author of On the Jews and Their Lies, to Hitler is "easy to draw". In her The War Against the Jews, 1933-1945, she contends that Luther and Hitler were obsessed by the "demonologized universe" inhabited by Jews. Dawidowicz writes that the similarities between Luther's anti-Jewish writings and modern antisemitism are no coincidence, because they derived from a common history of Judenhass, which can be traced to Haman's advice to Ahasuerus. Although modern German antisemitism also has its roots in German nationalism and the liberal revolution of 1848, Christian antisemitism she writes is a foundation that was laid by the Roman Catholic Church and "upon which Luther built". [32] Dawidowicz' allegations and positions are criticized and not accepted by most historians however. For example, in Studying the Jew Alan Steinweis notes that, "Old-fashioned antisemitism, Hitler argued, was insufficient, and would lead only to pogroms, which contribute little to a permanent solution. This is why, Hitler maintained, it was important to promote 'an antisemitism of reason,' one that acknowledged the racial basis of Jewry." [33] Interviews with Nazis by other historians show that the Nazis thought that their views were rooted in biology, not historical prejudices. For example, "S. became a missionary for this biomedical vision. As for anti-Semitic attitudes and actions, he insisted that 'the racial question. [and] resentment of the Jewish race. had nothing to do with medieval anti-Semitism. ' That is, it was all a matter of scientific biology and of community." [34]

Post-Holocaust Edit

The Second Vatican Council, the Nostra aetate document, and the efforts of Pope John Paul II helped reconcile Jews and Catholicism in recent decades, however. According to Catholic Holocaust scholar Michael Phayer, the Church as a whole recognized its failings during the council, when it corrected the traditional beliefs of the Jews having committed deicide and affirmed that they remained God's chosen people. [35]

In 1994, the Church Council of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, the largest Lutheran denomination in the United States and a member of the Lutheran World Federation publicly rejected Luther's antisemitic writings.

With the origin of Islam in the 7th century AD and its rapid spread through the Arabian peninsula and beyond, Jews (and many other peoples) became subject to the will of Muslim rulers. The quality of the rule varied considerably in different periods, as did the attitudes of the rulers, government officials, clergy and general population to various subject peoples from time to time, which was reflected in their treatment of these subjects.

Various definitions of antisemitism in the context of Islam are given. The extent of antisemitism among Muslims varies depending on the chosen definition:

  • Scholars like Claude Cahen and Shelomo Dov Goitein define it to be the animosity specifically applied to Jews only and do not include discriminations practiced against Non-Muslims in general. [36][37][38] For these scholars, antisemitism in Medieval Islam has been local and sporadic rather than general and endemic [Shelomo Dov Goitein], [36] not at all present [Claude Cahen], [37] or rarely present. [38]
  • According to Bernard Lewis, antisemitism is marked by two distinct features: Jews are judged according to a standard different from that applied to others, and they are accused of "cosmic evil". [39] For Lewis, from the late 19th century, movements appear among Muslims of which for the first time one can legitimately use the technical term antisemitic. [40] However, he describes demonizing beliefs, anti-Jewish discrimination and systematic humiliations, as an "inherent" part of the traditional Muslim world, even if violent persecutions were relatively rare. [41]

Pre-modern times Edit

According to Jane Gerber, "the Muslim is continually influenced by the theological threads of anti-Semitism embedded in the earliest chapters of Islamic history." [42] In the light of the Jewish defeat at the hands of Muhammad, Muslims traditionally viewed Jews with contempt and as objects of ridicule. Jews were seen as hostile, cunning, and vindictive, but nevertheless weak and ineffectual. Cowardice was the quality most frequently attributed to Jews. Another stereotype associated with the Jews was their alleged propensity to trickery and deceit. While most anti-Jewish polemicists saw those qualities as inherently Jewish, Ibn Khaldun attributed them to the mistreatment of Jews at the hands of the dominant nations. For that reason, says Ibn Khaldun, Jews "are renowned, in every age and climate, for their wickedness and their slyness". [43]

Muhammad's attitude towards Jews was basically neutral at the beginning. During his lifetime, Jews lived on the Arabian Peninsula, especially in and around Medina. They refused to accept Muhammad's teachings. Eventually he fought them, defeated them, and most of them were killed. [44] The traditional biographies of Muhammad describe the expulsion of the Banu Qaynuqa in the post Badrperiod, after a marketplace quarrel broke out between the Muslims and the Jews in Medina [45] [46] and Muhammad's negotiations with the tribe failed. [47]

Following his defeat in the Battle of Uhud, Muhammad said he received a divine revelation that the Jewish tribe of the Banu Nadir wanted to assassinate him. Muhammad besieged the Banu Nadir and expelled them from Medina. [48] Muhammad also attacked the Jews of the Khaybar oasis near Medina and defeated them, after they had betrayed the Muslims in a time of war, and he only allowed them to stay in the oasis on the condition that they deliver one-half of their annual produce to Muslims.

Anti-Jewish sentiments usually flared up during times of Muslim political or military weakness or when Muslims felt that some Jews had overstepped the boundaries of humiliation prescribed to them by Islamic law. [49] In Spain, ibn Hazm and Abu Ishaq focused their anti-Jewish writings on the latter allegation. This was also the chief motivating factor behind the massacres of Jews in Granada in 1066, when nearly 3,000 Jews were killed, and in Fez in 1033, when 6,000 Jews were killed. [50] There were further massacres in Fez in 1276 and 1465. [51]

Islamic law does not differentiate between Jews and Christians in their status as dhimmis. According to Bernard Lewis, the normal practice of Muslim governments until modern times was consistent with this aspect of sharia law. [52] This view is countered by Jane Gerber, who maintains that of all dhimmis, Jews had the lowest status. Gerber maintains that this situation was especially pronounced in the latter centuries in the Ottoman Empire, where Christian communities enjoyed protection from the European countries, which was unavailable to the Jews. For example, in 18th-century Damascus, a Muslim noble held a festival, inviting to it all social classes in descending order, according to their social status: the Jews outranked only the peasants and the prostitutes. [53]

Jews in Islamic texts Edit

Leon Poliakov, [54] Walter Laqueur, [55] and Jane Gerber, [56] suggest that later passages in the Quran contain very sharp attacks on Jews for their refusal to recognize Muhammad as a prophet of God. [54] There are also Quranic verses, particularly from the earliest Quranic surahs, showing respect for the Jews (e.g. see [Quran 2:47] , [Quran 2:62] ) [57] and preaching tolerance (e.g. see [Quran 2:256] ). [55] This positive view tended to disappear in the later Surahs. Taking it all together, the Quran differentiates between "good and bad" Jews, Poliakov states. [57] Laqueur argues that the conflicting statements about Jews in the Muslim holy text have defined Arab and Muslim attitudes towards Jews to this day, especially during periods of rising Islamic fundamentalism. [58]

Differences with Christianity Edit

Bernard Lewis holds that Muslims were not antisemitic in the way Christians were for the most part because:

  1. The Gospels are not part of the educational system in Muslim societies and therefore, Muslims are not brought up with the stories of Jewish deicide on the contrary, the notion of deicide is rejected by the Quran as a blasphemous absurdity.
  2. Muhammad and his early followers were not Jews and therefore, they did not present themselves as the true Israel or feel threatened by the survival of the old Israel.
  3. The Quran was not viewed by Muslims as a fulfillment of the Hebrew Bible, but rather as a restorer of its original messages that had been distorted over time. Thus no clash of interpretations between Judaism and Islam could arise.
  4. Muhammad was not killed by the Jewish community and he was ultimately victorious in his clash with the Jewish community in Medina.
  5. Muhammad did not claim to be either the Son of God or the Messiah. Instead, he claimed that he was only a prophet a claim which Jews repudiated less.
  6. Muslims saw the conflict between Muhammad and the Jews as something of minor importance in Muhammad's career. [59]

Status of Jews under Muslim rule Edit

Traditionally Jews living in Muslim lands, known (along with Christians) as dhimmis, were allowed to practice their religion and to administer their internal affairs, subject to certain conditions. [60] They had to pay the jizya (a per capita tax imposed on free adult non-Muslim males) to Muslims. [60] Dhimmis had an inferior status under Islamic rule. They had several social and legal disabilities such as prohibitions against bearing arms or giving testimony in courts in cases involving Muslims. [61] The most degrading one was the requirement of distinctive clothing, not found in the Quran or hadith but invented in early medieval Baghdad its enforcement was highly erratic. [62] Jews rarely faced martyrdom or exile, or forced compulsion to change their religion, and they were mostly free in their choice of residence and profession. [63]

The notable examples of massacre of Jews include the 1066 Granada massacre, when a Muslim mob stormed the royal palace in Granada, crucified Jewish vizier Joseph ibn Naghrela and massacred most of the Jewish population of the city. "More than 1,500 Jewish families, numbering 4,000 persons, fell in one day." [64] This was the first persecution of Jews on the Peninsula under Islamic rule. There was also the killing or forcibly conversion of them by the rulers of the Almohad dynasty in Al-Andalus in the 12th century. [65] Notable examples of the cases where the choice of residence was taken away from them includes confining Jews to walled quarters (mellahs) in Morocco beginning from the 15th century and especially since the early 19th century. [66] Most conversions were voluntary and happened for various reasons. However, there were some forced conversions in the 12th century under the Almohaddynasty of North Africa and al-Andalus as well as in Persia. [67]

Pre-modern times Edit

The portrayal of the Jews in the early Islamic texts played a key role in shaping the attitudes towards them in the Muslim societies. According to Jane Gerber, "the Muslim is continually influenced by the theological threads of anti-Semitism embedded in the earliest chapters of Islamic history." [42] In the light of the Jewish defeat at the hands of Muhammad, Muslims traditionally viewed Jews with contempt and as objects of ridicule. Jews were seen as hostile, cunning, and vindictive, but nevertheless weak and ineffectual. Cowardice was the quality most frequently attributed to Jews. Another stereotype associated with the Jews was their alleged propensity to trickery and deceit. While most anti-Jewish polemicists saw those qualities as inherently Jewish, Ibn Khaldun attributed them to the mistreatment of Jews at the hands of the dominant nations. For that reason, says ibn Khaldun, Jews "are renowned, in every age and climate, for their wickedness and their slyness". [68]

Some Muslim writers have inserted racial overtones in their anti-Jewish polemics. Al-Jahiz speaks of the deterioration of the Jewish stock due to excessive inbreeding. Ibn Hazm also implies racial qualities in his attacks on the Jews. However, these were exceptions, and the racial theme left little or no trace in the medieval Muslim anti-Jewish writings. [69]

Anti-Jewish sentiments usually flared up at times of the Muslim political or military weakness or when Muslims felt that some Jews had overstepped the boundary of humiliation prescribed to them by the Islamic law. [49] In Moorish Iberia, ibn Hazm and Abu Ishaq focused their anti-Jewish writings on the latter allegation. This was also the chief motivation behind the 1066 Granada massacre, when "[m]ore than 1,500 Jewish families, numbering 4,000 persons, fell in one day", [64] and in Fez in 1033, when 6,000 Jews were killed. [50] There were further massacres in Fez in 1276 and 1465. [51]

Islamic law does not differentiate between Jews and Christians in their status as dhimmis. According to Bernard Lewis, the normal practice of Muslim governments until modern times was consistent with this aspect of sharia law. [52] This view is countered by Jane Gerber, who maintains that of all dhimmis, Jews had the lowest status. Gerber maintains that this situation was especially pronounced in the latter centuries, when Christian communities enjoyed protection, unavailable to the Jews, under the provisions of Capitulations of the Ottoman Empire. For example, in 18th century Damascus, a Muslim noble held a festival, inviting to it all social classes in descending order, according to their social status: the Jews outranked only the peasants and prostitutes. [70] In 1865, when the equality of all subjects of the Ottoman Empire was proclaimed, Ahmed Cevdet Pasha, a high-ranking official observed: "whereas in former times, in the Ottoman State, the communities were ranked, with the Muslims first, then the Greeks, then the Armenians, then the Jews, now all of them were put on the same level. Some Greeks objected to this, saying: 'The government has put us together with the Jews. We were content with the supremacy of Islam.'" [71]

Some scholars have questioned the correctness of the term "antisemitism" to Muslim culture in pre-modern times. [59] [72] [73] [74] Robert Chazan and Alan Davies argue that the most obvious difference between pre-modern Islam and pre-modern Christendom was the "rich melange of racial, ethic, and religious communities" in Islamic countries, within which "the Jews were by no means obvious as lone dissenters, as they had been earlier in the world of polytheism or subsequently in most of medieval Christendom." According to Chazan and Davies, this lack of uniqueness ameliorated the circumstances of Jews in the medieval world of Islam. [75] According to Norman Stillman, antisemitism, understood as hatred of Jews as Jews, "did exist in the medieval Arab world even in the period of greatest tolerance". [76] Also see Bostom, Bat Ye'or, and the CSPI issued text, supporting Stillman and cited in the bibliography.

Nineteenth century Edit

Historian Martin Gilbert writes that in the 19th century the position of Jews worsened in Muslim countries. [ citation needed ] There was a massacre of Jews in Baghdad in 1828 [50] and in 1839, in the eastern Persian city of Meshed, a mob burst into the Jewish Quarter, burned the synagogue, and destroyed the Torah scrolls. It was only by forcible conversion that a massacre was averted. [77] There was another massacre in Barfurush in 1867. [50]

In 1840, the Jews of Damascus were falsely accused of having murdered a Christian monk and his Muslim servant and of having used their blood to bake Passover bread or Matza. A Jewish barber was tortured until he "confessed" two other Jews who were arrested died under torture, while a third converted to Islam to save his life. Throughout the 1860s, the Jews of Libya were subjected to what Gilbert calls punitive taxation. In 1864, around 500 Jews were killed in Marrakech and Fez in Morocco. In 1869, 18 Jews were killed in Tunis, and an Arab mob looted Jewish homes and stores, and burned synagogues, on Jerba Island. In 1875, 20 Jews were killed by a mob in Demnat, Morocco elsewhere in Morocco, Jews were attacked and killed in the streets in broad daylight. In 1891, the leading Muslims in Jerusalem asked the Ottoman authorities in Constantinople to prohibit the entry of Jews arriving from Russia. In 1897, synagogues were ransacked and Jews were murdered in Tripolitania. [77]

Benny Morris writes that one symbol of Jewish degradation was the phenomenon of stone-throwing at Jews by Muslim children. Morris quotes a 19th-century traveler: "I have seen a little fellow of six years old, with a troop of fat toddlers of only three and four, teaching [them] to throw stones at a Jew, and one little urchin would, with the greatest coolness, waddle up to the man and literally spit upon his Jewish gaberdine. To all this the Jew is obliged to submit it would be more than his life was worth to offer to strike a Mahommedan." [50]

According to Mark Cohen in The Oxford Handbook of Jewish Studies, most scholars conclude that Arab antisemitism in the modern world arose in the 19th century, against the backdrop of conflicting Jewish and Arab nationalism, and was imported into the Arab world primarily by nationalistically minded Christian Arabs (and only subsequently was it "Islamized"). [78]

Modern Islamic antisemitism Edit

The massacres of Jews in Muslim countries continued into the 20th century. Martin Gilbert writes that 40 Jews were murdered in Taza, Morocco in 1903. In 1905, old laws were revived in Yemen forbidding Jews from raising their voices in front of Muslims, building their houses higher than Muslims, or engaging in any traditional Muslim trade or occupation. [77] The Jewish quarter in Fez was almost destroyed by a Muslim mob in 1912. [50]

Antagonism and violence increased still further as resentment against Zionist efforts in the British Mandate of Palestine spread. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Mohammad Amin al-Husayni, played a key role in violent opposition to Zionism and closely allied himself with the Nazi regime. [79] [80] From 1941 al-Husayni was based in Germany from where he urged attacks on Jews. There were Nazi-inspired pogroms in Algeria in the 1930s, and massive attacks on the Jews in Iraq and Libya in the 1940s (see Farhud). Pro-Nazi Muslims slaughtered dozens of Jews in Baghdad in 1941. [50]

Holocaust denial and Holocaust minimization efforts have found increasingly overt acceptance as sanctioned historical discourse in a number of Middle Eastern countries. [81] [82] Arabic and Turkish editions of Hitler's Mein Kampf and The Protocols of the Elders of Zion have found an audience in the region [83] with limited critical response by local intellectuals and media.

According to Robert Satloff, Muslims and Arabs were involved both as rescuers and as perpetrators of the Holocaust during pro-Nazi rule of Vichy in French North Africa, and during Italian and German Nazi occupation of Tunisia and Libya. [84]

According to a Pew Global Attitudes Project report released on August 14, 2005, Anti-Jewish sentiment was endemic. Of six Muslim majority countries surveyed, all have high percentages of their populations with unfavorable views of Jews. Turkey reported that 60% had unfavorable views of Jews, Pakistan reported 74%, Indonesia reported 76%, and Morocco reported 88%. 99% of Lebanese Muslims viewed Jews unfavorably, as did 99% of the Jordanian people. [85]

George Gruen attributes the increased animosity towards Jews in the Arab world to several factors, including the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire and traditional Islamic society domination by Western colonial powers under which Jews gained a larger role in the commercial, professional, and administrative life of the region the rise of Arab nationalism, whose proponents sought the wealth and positions of local Jews through government channels resentment against Jewish nationalism and the Zionist movement and the readiness of unpopular regimes to scapegoat local Jews for political purposes. [86]


From Shaheed Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti to Shaheed Salman Taseer: PPP’s struggle against the Ziaist Blasphemy Law

The PPP has a long history of standing up to Islamofascism and Islamopatriotism in Pakistan, which have been systematically and institutionally cultivated in the curricula, mosques, schools, madrassahs, media and other aspects of Pakistani society by the military establishment.

The martyrdom of Salman Taseer is not the first in the PPP’s effort to protect the peaceful message of Islam and the Prophet (pbuh). Previously a daring and honest judge Arif Iqbal Bhatti was killed by Islamo-fascists of the Sipah-e-Sahaba in 1997 when he acquitted two innocent Christians accused of blasphemy to the Quran.

It may be noted that only a few days before shaheed Taseer’s murder, several extremist mullahs (proxies of the establishment) had threatened that: “if Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti of the Lahore High Court could be assassinated for acquitting two Christian brothers accused of blasphemy, government functionaries supporting Aasia Bibi should not expect to be spared.”

Of course those threatening Taseer and the PPP were “adequately resourced” to implement their threat, which they did implement on 4 January 2011 by murdering Governor Taseer.

Abbas Ather has written an excellent op-ed in daily Express today connecting shaheed Bhatti’s murder to shaheed Taseer’s murder.

Let’s start with an overview of shaheed Bhatti’s murder:

Context of Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti’s murder

• Three Christians namely Salamat Masih, 11, Manzoor Masih, 38, and Rehmat Masih, 44, are accused of writing blasphemous remarks on a wall belonging to a mosque. Although the mother of Salamat Masih said that her son did not know how to read. They are charged with blasphemy under Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy law (the Black Law) (Section 295C).

In the trial court, all three were convicted and sentenced to death by the trial court. An appeal was allowed when it was determined that they were illiterate.

• Manzoor Masih is gunned and killed outside the District and Sessions Court after exiting a hearing in April. Salamat and Rehmat Masih got injured but survived. Bishop John Joseph speaks out against the attack.

• In August, the Masih case grants leave for appeal on the condition that the investigation is continued.

• Salamat Masih 14, and Rehmat Masih 46, got the death penalty in February.

• On February 23rd, Lahore High Court acquits Rehmat Masih and Salamat Masih based on the objectionable material since Christians were not familiar Arabic, they would not know how to write the name of Allah (swt) in Arabic. The bench included Justice Arif Iqbal Hussain Bhatti and Justice Chaudhry Khurshid Ahmad.

• The fanatics of Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), Sipah-e-Sahaba, JUI-F, JUP, Jamiat-e-Ahle-Hadith etc went into high gear, calling for the hanging of the two survivors, who later had to be smuggled out of the country. A country-wide strike takes place by milli Yakjehti Council, which umbrellas many different religious, groups in May. Major cities such as Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, Chitral, Quetta, and Rawalpindi observed the strike.

• Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti is assassinated in his chambers at Lahore High Court.

• The killer of Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti was captured and said he killed the judge because he was on the bench that acquitted two Christian men, Salamat and Rehmat Masih in a blasphemy case.

Aaj bazar mein – Faiz Ahmed Faiz

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Abdul Nishapuri

DAWN / NEWS International, Karachi
11 October 1997

Former LHC judge gunned down in Lahore

LAHORE, Oct 10: A prominent PPP leader and former Lahore High Court judge Arif Iqbal Husain Bhatti was gunned down by an unidentified assailant in his Turner Road office here on Friday morning.

Mr Bhatti was a member of the Lahore High Court, Division Bench, which had acquitted Salamat Masih and Rehmat Masih in a blasphemy case in 1995 amidst protests by activists of a religious organization. A modest, soft-spoken person, Mr Bhatti was a popular figure in both legal and political circles.

According to eyewitnesses, the armed assailant, said to be a shabbily-dressed bearded person of around 45, had entered Mr Bhatti’s office when he had just arrived there from the courts at about 10.40am. The man whipped out a pistol and fired several times at the former judge, who was hit in the face and the stomach.

An office boy was present in the office. Mr Bhatti’s younger brother, who had his chambers close-by, was immediately informed of the shooting and he rushed to Mr Bhatti’s office. Mr Bhatti was alive but critically injured. It is said that because of the security arrangements on The Mall on account of the visit of Queen Elizabeth, he could not be taken to the Mayo Hospital. His brother then tried to take him to the Services Hospital, but even side lanes were jammed with traffic and Mr Bhatti died on way to the hospital.

Police officials were confused about the possible motive for the murder. “Apparently, it seems to be a terrorist activity but it is too early to say anything about the motive, sectarian or otherwise, behind the murder”, Punjab IGP Jehanzeb Burki told reporters soon after the incident.

The Punjab PPP leadership, however, did not rule out a political motive, and alleged that the murder of a retired judge might be construed by some as a signal to the judiciary. On the complaint of Mr Bhatti’s son, Mozang police registered a murder case against an unidentified accused.

A source in the police department quoted Mr Bhatti’s family as accusing unidentified activists of a religious party for involvement in the murder. “After the announcement of the LHC division bench judgment acquitting Salamat Masih and Rehmat Masih in a blasphemy case, Mr Arif Iqbal Bhatti had been receiving threatening and abusive calls from some activists of a religious organization,” a member of his family was quoted as saying.

According to Zahid, the office boy of Justice (retd) Arif Iqbal Bhatti and an eye-witness to the murder incident, the assailant had come early in the morning posing as a client and asking about Mr Bhatti. When told that the lawyer was away at the courts, the man went away but returned after about an hour. Mr Bhatti had arrived in his chambers by then – at about 10.40am. The visitor was led inside to meet him. The assailant then whipped out a pistol and opened fire on the retired judge. He was hit by five bullets. He sustained three injuries in the face and two in the stomach. The assailant reportedly left the office quite calm and composed in front of a number of people. Area police reportedly reached the spot more than 90 minutes after occurrence.

Mr Bhatti is survived by his widow, a son and two daughters. His funeral prayers are scheduled to be offered at the Nasser Bagh at 10am. The Lahore Bar Association has announced it would observe a strike on Saturday to protest against the murder of Arif Iqbal Bhatti.

PM GRIEVED: Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has expressed shock and grief over the tragic death of Justice (retd) Arif Iqbal Bhatti, adds APP Lauding the services of the late justice, he said that Justice Bhatti was a learned judge of the High Court and his contribution to the rule of law and supremacy of justice would long be remembered. He prayed to Almighty Allah to rest the departed soul in eternal peace and grant courage to the bereaved family to bear this irreparable loss.

BENAZIR SHOCKED:PPP Chairperson Benazir Bhutto condemned the murder of Justice (retd) Arif Iqbal Bhatti. In her condolence message, Ms Bhutto expressed deep sorrow and grief over the death of Mr Bhatti. She also paid tributes to the services rendered by the deceased.

The murder of Mr Bhatti was also widely condemned by the legal and political circle. Punjab PPP president Rao Sikandar Iqbal, general-secretary Prof Ijazul Hassan, Lahore president Mian Misbahur Rehman and others – Azizur Rehman Chan, Hafiz Ghulam Mohiyuddin, Malik Hafizur Rehman and Iqbal Sialvi have condemned the murder of Mr Bhatti. People’s Lawyers Forum president Mian Jehangir, secretary-general Shahid Mehmood Bhatti, Lahore High Court Bar Association Vice-president Chaudhry Nazir Ahmad and advocates Ihsan Lillah and S. A. Bokhari also condemned the murder of Mr Bhatti.

Sunni clerics denounce Aasia sympathizers, threaten Judges’ lives
ATAS central leader, Pir Muhammad Afzal Qadri said that if Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti of the Lahore High Court could be assassinated for acquitting two Christian brothers accused of blasphemy, government functionaries supporting Aasia Bibi should not expect to be spared.
http://ahmadiyyatimes.blogspot.com/2010/11/eye-on-extremism-sunni-clerics-denounce.html
The Express Tribune
By Rana Tanveer | November 24, 2010
LAHORE: Religious clerics have announced sit-in in front of the President’s House if Zardari pardons her while a legal aid organisation appeals for clemency.
clerics belonging to the Sunni Tehrik and Aalmi Tanzim Ahle Sunnat (ATAS) on Tuesday condemned government officials and religious figures who expressed sympathy for the Christian woman convicted of blasphemy, during a protest in front of the Lahore Press Club.
The protesters, comprising seminary students and clerics, took out a rally, holding banners and placards, criticising government officials.
The protesters criticised President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani, Punjab Law Minister Rana Sanaullah, religious schoolar Allama Javed Ghamdi and Pope Benedict for issuing statements in favour of Aasia Bibi, but Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer remained the focus of their resentment. He had met Aasia at the Sheikhupura jail and committed to take her case to the president.
Addressing the protesters, ATAS central leader, Pir Muhammad Afzal Qadri, asked the chief justice of Pakistan to take suo motu action against the governor for supporting a ‘blasphemer’. Qadri also challenged Ghamdi to debate over the punishment of a blasphemer in Islam.
Referring to Pope Benedict’s statement about Zardari trying to send Aasia aborad, he warned the president that if such a step were taken, the ATAS would stage a sit-in in front of the President’s House for an indefinite period.
He announced that the ATAS would hold a protest in front of Governor’s House on Wednesday (today).
Qadri said that if Justice Arif Iqbal Bhatti of the Lahore High Court could be assassinated for acquitting two Christian brothers accused of blasphemy, government functionaries supporting Aasia Bibi should not expect to be spared.
Bhatti is believed to have been shot in October 1997 for acquitting the two brothers in March, 1995.
Other speakers of the Sunni Tehrik and Aalmi Tanzim Ahle Sunnat included Maulana Muhammad Naeem Noori, Sahibzada Syed Mukhtar Ashraf Rizvi, Tahir Qadri, Maulana Muhammad Ali Naqashbandi and Ziaul Mustafa.

well,being a muslim i’m nt here 2 justify my love 4 great prophet(SAWW) n my hatred 4 BLASPHEMERS n my agression 4 those who supports blasphemy.IT’S SOMETHING NATURAL of which every muslim experiences.

Its very easy 2 say some1 KAAFIR,attach a slogan with some1 that he s WAJIB UL QATL OR ultimately KILL some1.
2 things dependent on each other of which this nation s unfortunately deprived of r LEADERSHIP and TOLERANCE.

Do worthy efforts n b patient if wnt 2 achieve something big in LIFE.never go 4 shortcuts…….

Now coming 2 da point,da man who ws killed dis evening ws a MUSLIM.how could u even think he ws against dt law. havent u listen in his interview,he ws against da implementation of dt law so dt iinnocent should nt b punished of which he has done not,and da guilty should not take advantage of insecure implementaion.dis s what our prophet of mercy taught 2 us.there ws clearly nowhere in da talk dt he
ws against da apostle of ALLAH or
ws against da law.

He ws inshort in da safe implementaion of dt law(da area where limitations arises in prosecution due 2 human intervention)dtsy he said its a human law nt divine law(as far as dt area s concerned)

Neither i’m supporting him NOR calling him shaheed(shaheed s a respected honour of ISLAM)i’m jst telling da truth 2 da youth who keep on changing their ideals due 2 incomplete knowledge,n call any man on da street like MUMTAZ HUSSAIN QADRI a HERO!!

WAKE UP U ALL its a political assasination like of bhutto,da man who killed bhutto ws a hero of u all @ dt tym,soon after da DOG’S awful death(ZIA’S) u realize DA REAL HERO(bhutto)……………as per rule of thumb this nation will realize da loss of its ASSets BUT………..Many many years later.

Ajab Khel howa Islam ki Taqdeer ke sath… Qatl-e-Shabbir howa Nara-e-Takbeer ke sath

PILER AND PPC CONDEMN SALMAN TASEER’S MURDER CALL FOR ARREST OF INDIVIDUALS ISSUING FATWAS AGAINST TASEER, REHMAN AND ASIA BIBI


Of Corpse He's Alive

It's always a sad affair when someone dies. unless you're in a comedy, of course. In comedies, there may be all sorts of unlikely reasons why it's really not convenient for someone to be dead. So rather than face reality in a mature, responsible fashion, why not launch a Zany Scheme where you pretend the corpse is still alive, or at least make sure nobody can check?

Cue all sorts of wacky hijinks: the corpse is dragged around, impersonated (either bodily or through ventriloquism), made to move by strings, zombified and stored away in the most unlikely places. This goes on until such time as it's convenient to reveal that the victim is really dead and that they died in circumstances that may or may not involve the protagonist (although the protagonist is usually the killer, whether on purpose or not), or when the corpse is accidentally discovered.

A common variation involves a man who is unconscious or under a deep sleep rather than dead. Usually used when either the "corpse" is an already established character or in a show that refuses to acknowledge death. In real life, people have been mistakenly killed for real this way, such as being buried alive, or if an autopsy is mistakenly performed on a living person.

A serious version of this is the El Cid Ploy. See also The "Fun" in "Funeral". Compare Mummies at the Dinner Table (which is about someone trying to convince themselves dead people are still alive) and Dead Pet Sketch. The opposite situation &mdash usually played seriously &mdash is Faking the Dead. Dead Person Impersonation is when a living person assumes the dead one's ID and doesn't bother with the body.

If someone has an audio recording instead of a corpse, they may employ Recorded Spliced Conversation in the same manner. This is common in mystery fiction.


Conclusion

There is an etiquette surrounding death and grief. To those who say that we do not need to do these things ‘nowadays,’ the reply should be: Has death stopped happening and do we no longer mourn? The traditional rites, choice of clothing, and condolences are ways of showing respect to the person who died and to remind us that he or she had a life worth remembering. Funerals are one of the reasons why every man must own one good dark-colored suit. You will be able to wear it on other occasions as well. They also are our ways of offering support to those who miss them the most. Of course, mourning and grief are very personal matters. In any case, Aunt Hortense would approve.


Watch the video: Pratap Mehta The Melody of Discord: The Self and History in Iqbal


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